China Redefines Its Role: From Overlooked WWII Ally to Modern Global Player

In anticipation of the octogenarian commemoration of Victory Day, which signifies the closure of the Sino-Japanese war and the universal confrontation against fascism, we consider the significant post-war transformations and their ongoing impact on China’s global positioning. In the opening segment of this narrative, we dissect how Chinese sacrifices during the period of hostilities cement Beijing’s commitment to maintaining international standards. It is estimated that about 35 million Chinese military and civilians perished, an integral aspect of Allied involvement, yet eight decades on, China is perceived not only as an overlooked ally but increasingly as an opponent.

On the advent of the military parade commemorating the 80th success anniversary of the Sino-Japanese war and the global defeat of World War II fascism, President Xi Jinping is expected to address the gathering from a podium that offers a grand view of Tiananmen Square. China’s crucial losses during the war will be reinstated in the public memory. The occasion will likely pave the way for Xi to emphasize China’s role as a custodian of the post-war world order, as the nation is characteristically portrayed – in parallel with Russia – as a revisionist force eager to destabilise the global framework.

A memo from the previous year’s Nato summit declared that ‘China’s publicly stated ambitions and aggressive policies persist in posing challenges to our core interests, safety, and ethics,’ thereby charging Beijing with an intention to modify the internationally accepted framework of governance. The Western coalition, spearheaded by the US, has increasingly depicted China as a menace throughout the recent years.

Statements by individuals such as former national security adviser Jake Sullivan suggesting that countries like China, situated outside the Western-led G7 framework, inherently cause instability – have painted China’s expanding global influence as a challenge to the Western-centric security structure. In a perspective shared by Russian state media prior to his visit to Moscow for the 80th Soviet Union victory anniversary over Nazi Germany, Xi emphasized the importance to ‘defend the post-war world order’ especially in volatile international circumstances.

He urged for the reinforcement of the United Nations’ authority, defense of the UN-oriented international system, and a continual push for multipolarity and inclusive economic globalisation. Recalling memories of the courageous worldwide forces – including China and the Soviet Union – united and victorious against formidable fascist powers, Xi highlighted that ’80 years later, humanity stands at a pivotal crossroads: to unite or divide, to engage in dialogue or confrontation, to cooperate for mutual benefits or compete in a zero-sum rivalry.’

A significant contributor to the victory against the Nazis was the Soviet Union, credited with liberating much of Eastern Europe and shouldering the majority of Nazi assault, resulting in over 20 million fatalities. Similarly, China played a key role, tying down over half a million Japanese forces in an exhaustively defiant stand.

This period of history, however, is increasingly fading into oblivion, with some leaders in Europe failing to acknowledge Soviet contributions and instead recognizing only the US for their freedom. For example, when US President Donald Trump met with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in person for the first time in June, neither acknowledged Moscow’s contribution. Despite China’s status as a US and British Empire ally from just post the Pearl Harbour incident in 1941 until Japan’s capitulation in 1945, Chinese bolstering efforts are scarcely recognized, often reduced to mere annotations in the world’s historical record.

It remains largely unnoticed that China was the first nation to endure invasions marking the beginning of what turned into the second world war. It was British historian Rana Mitter who, as one of the first Western scholars, evaluated the full extent of Chinese support. Mitter suggests that if China had capitulated in 1938, Japan may have governed for decades, potentially altering the course of the war in the USSR, Southeast Asia or even British India.

China continues its efforts to retain collective memory of the Allied contributions, including those from the US, against the Japanese intruders. Xi sent letters to the families of American pilots and other veterans, expressing gratitude for their roles, amid strained bilateral relations. Reports suggest that China has extended an invitation to the descendants of the US pilots, known as the Flying Tigers, to join the 80th anniversary commemoration in Beijing next week.

In order to enhance relations, Beijing has increasingly referenced past instances of cooperation, such as the legacy of the Flying Tigers, particularly exchanges at the individual level, which have unfortunately been on hold since the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic. Meanwhile, the US has failed to underscore its past wartime alliance with China, steering closer to Japan, a former Axis power, in its current security strategies.

The allies often reference a different concept of a ‘rules-based order’, originating from the post-Cold War era and characterized by Western-dominated bodies like Nato and the G7. This new order prioritizes Western security considerations, frequently tagging non-aligned nations threats. Nato, originally established as a counterweight to the Soviet Union, continued its eastward expansion even after the USSR’s collapse.

For many nations in the Global South, including China, Nato’s expansion signals a departure from the UN-centric system, replacing it with an arrangement requiring alignment with Western values. However, the post-war order in Asia is not solely defined by collective safety, but also by the significant transformation brought about by decolonisation. The end of the war hastened the independence of several Asian nations from Western imperial rule, among them India, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Vietnam.

Yet, the ambiguous borders left by the departing colonial powers planted the initial seeds for modern contentions, such as those witnessed in the South China Sea. Beijing insists that these disagreements should be resolved peacefully by Asian nations, without external disturbance. China’s Global Security Initiative, which was put into action in 2022, underscored this key principle of the post-war order, advocating for regional resolutions devoid of ‘divisive techniques employed by outside powers’- a subtle jab at US involvement in Asian disputes.

While the US has devalued globalization through the initiation of tariff wars and downplaying international organisations, China has demonstrated its ambition to reconfigure the global governance structure. China facilitated the resolution between Iran-Saudi Arabia in 2023, demonstrating its diplomatic influence by rekindling relations between these Middle East rivals after a seven-year disconnect.

On the other hand, China’s Belt and Road Initiative has invested in infrastructure across about 150 countries since its inception in 2013, offering alternatives to Western-dominated financial institutions through establishments such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and New Development Bank. Coupled with increased contributions to the United Nations and an active role in the World Trade Organization, these measures bolster China’s commitment to multilateralism. Nevertheless, the ongoing contention with the West grounded in contrasting visions of global governance foregrounds a deeper question: is China reimagining the international system to reflect its ascent, or is the West recalibrating history to retain its superiority?