Mexican Officials recently acted in an unprecedented manner by surrendering 29 influential figures from a faction of the Sinaloa Cartel to the U.S. government. The detainees, convoluted in several criminal activities, were handed over as a response to the Trump administration’s intense pressure over fentanyl control and impending U.S. tariffs. The intervention was also a stern action to prevent the likelihood of the cartel members being released by corrupt Mexican judicial systems.
Among these extradited associates was notorious gangster Rafael Caro Quintero, a prime target of the United States for roughly four decades. Quintero is primarily infamous for the murder of DEA agent Enrique Camarena in 1985. The Mexican Security secretary Omar García Harfuch asserted that the government’s decision was to preempt any chances of the accused being set free by Mexican courts. His declaration parallels President Claudia Sheinbaum’s allegations against corruption prevalent in the judiciary, leading her to drive a restructuring of the legal system.
President Sheinbaum’s vision for a cleaner judiciary proposes a popular vote-based appointment of all judges, including those who serve in the Supreme Court. While some security experts fear that this could potentially lead to mob-influenced appointments during the upcoming June 1 elections, others laud this move as a critical diverging point from Mexico’s deep-seated reluctance to extradite its crime lords to the U.S.
Additionally, this signifies a departure from former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s strategy often referred to as ‘hugs, not bullets.’ His successor President Sheinbaum, has pivoted towards a more aggressive approach towards drug-cartel operations since her inauguration on October 1, including accelerating arrests, dismantling drug labs, and fostering a stronger security alliance with the U.S.
Despite her initial commitment to trailing in the footsteps of her predecessor’s populist political agenda, she has embraced some adaptability concerning public security. She expressed her intentions to harness more ‘intelligence’ and encourage inter-agency collaboration. Her strategy seemingly draws inspiration from her successful tenure as Mexico City’s Mayor, where she managed to halve the murder rate.
The Mexican administration has faced increasing pressure due to the possible reinstatement of President Donald Trump and speculation about potential military interference from the U.S. to curb fentanyl trafficking. Mexican authorities are being forced to amend their previous approach of ‘hugs, not bullets.’ Security analyst based in Mexico City, Falko Ernst, hailed the revised strategy, indicating that the U.S. pressures have led to resources being channeled to tackle the most pressing issues.
According to Ernst, the focus on Sinaloa, a region known for its notorious cartel and a significant producer of fentanyl, highlights the gravity of the battle at hand, though he warns this heightened focus may oversimplify the complex crime landscape by ignoring other volatile regions with potent criminal organizations.
Ernst pointed out that Western Michoacán, especially the strife-torn region of Tierra Caliente, is among the areas that deserve attention. Lime producers here often become victims of widespread extortion while the land is pockmarked with explosives. On the other hand, the ruthless Jalisco New Generation Cartel perceivably enjoys freedom to wage war in territories abandoned by their rivals from the Sinaloa Cartel.
This wave of extraditions signifies the steps taken by Mexico to appease Trump, who has claimed an ‘intolerable alliance’ between the Mexican government and the cartels. President Sheinbaum refuted these allegations as ‘slanderous,’ but assured the continuance of dialogue. She managed to obtain a month-long respite from tariffs in February by promising the reinforcement of the northern border with 10,000 National Guard members.
As the end of the tariff grace period neared, an optimistic Ms. Sheinbaum reiterated her commitment to remaining patient, composed and wise, while subtly mentioning that they have contingency plans A through D in place, but opted not to elaborate. Meanwhile, President Trump openly appreciated President Sheinbaum as a person, even though he clarified it wouldn’t influence his actions towards fentanyl.
U.S. Customs and Border Protection reported the seizure of 991 pounds of fentanyl at the southwest border with Mexico in January, marking the least amount intercepted since June 2022. Still, the public pressure from the U.S. seems to be escalating with reports of spy aircraft and drones patrolling over Mexico. Yet, as Ernst explained, Mexico’s response seems to be along the lines of ‘give them what they want’ as far as possible.
The ousted president López Obrador’s security plan called ‘hugs, not bullets,’ although catchy, was heavily criticized for its passivity and reluctance to confront organized crime. It also played down the violence in Mexico and presented a complacent image of the government. López Obrador is known for controversially stating that the ‘organized crime behaved very well’ after the 2021 midterm elections which saw the murder of over 30 candidates.
When it comes to collusion between politicians and drug cartels, the charges aren’t new, especially at the state and local levels. ‘You cannot draw a clear line between state and crime in Mexico,’ says Ernst. Despite López Obrador’s staunch denial of any links to illicit drug syndicates, the truth might be more complicated than it appears and extenuate well beyond the current administration.